Friday, June 17, 2005
Stockholm Arbitration Court Orders Moscow Refinery to Pay $28M to U.S. Company
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Oil and gas production up in Russia
MOSCOW, June 17 (RIA Novosti) - Oil and gas condensate production grew by 3.2% in Russia in the first five months of the year to 191 million tons as compared to the same period of 2004, the Federal State Statistics Service said.The production of gas increased by 1.2% to 277 billion cubic meters and coal by 2.9% to 121 million tons.Russia produced over 39.9 billion tons of iron ore during that period, 1.6% up on the same period of last year.The production of petrol increased by 5.3% reaching 12.7 million tons, the volume of diesel fuel went up by 6% up to 23.9 million tons and fuel oil by 4.6% to 23.2 million tons.Electric power generation grew by 1.8% to 415 billion kW/hr and heat power by 2.8% up to 765 million Gcal.During the six months of this year, the volume of industrial production grew by 3.6% as against the same period of last year.In May 2005, industrial production growth amounted to 1.4% against the same period in 2004, or 6.4% lower than in April this year.
Russian natural gas exports grows by 10.8% in 5 months
MOSCOW, June 17 (RIA Novosti) - Russian natural gas exports grew by 10.8% in January-May, 2005 as compared to the same 2004 period and totaled 74.96 billion cubic meters, said Gazexport company, Gazprom's exporting subsidiary.Natural gas exports to foreign countries totaled 68.89 billion cubic meters as compared to 65.6 billion in January-May 2004.Western Europe accounted for 49.58 billion cubic meters (46.68 billion in the same 2004 period) and Eastern Europe - for 19.31 billion cubic meters (18.92 billion in 2004).The former Soviet republics received 6.07 billion cubic meters of natural gas (2.05 billion in January-May 2004).
Wednesday, June 15, 2005
TNK-BP, Sibneft Dividing Slavneft
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The Service Oil Pipeline
06-10-2005 Kommersant - By Dmitry Butrin -
The imprisonment of YUKOS's owners and the division of their legacy was a powerful incentive to the development of democracy in Russia. It is not inconceivable that a two-party system will finally appear in the country: OOO Liberalneftegaz and ZAO Patriotneftegaz will be competing for power and property.
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What will happen to Russian statehood in the nine years that former executives and still the largest owners of YUKOS, Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev must serve in a medium-security prison camp according to the sentence handed down by the Meshchansky Court? For the time being, the following is most probable scenario for the development of events on Russia's oil and gas scene: genuine competition and a progressive movement towards democracy will appear by 2006. Instead of a single political hydrocarbon concern, i.e., Presidential Administration - Gazprom - Rosneft - United Russia with subsidiaries in the White House and the Prosecutor General's Office, two competing structures will appear - OOO Liberalneftegaz and ZAO Patriotneftegaz - representing the two most popular ideologies in Russia in both corporate policy and business practice.
Khodorkovsky accomplished a fair amount in the recent history of the Russian economy. Leaving aside State Prosecutor Shokhin's ideas of the achievements of YUKOS's management in the organized crime business, which are of little use for discussion anywhere except in the Meshchansky Court, you can't ignore the fact that it was Khodorkovsky who influenced the formation of two parties in near-Kremlin circles (a group of like-mined people in the old European interpretation of this term). And a juicy chunk of YUKOS property, Yuganskneftegaz, which, during its owner's time in prison, was thrown out for division into the political and economic field and became the missing link for the splitting of these parties in the business environment. We have only to wait until the parties form into holdings in the business field and into political parties in the political field. In the purely human sense, it seems that a division into us and them has already occurred in the Kremlin, despite the appeals of Vladimir Putin and the head of his administration, Dmitry Medvedev to preserve unity in the face of ill-wishers.
In principle, you could very well say that Khodorkovsky's fate was not decided in the Meshchansky Court, the Kremlin, in Old Square, or at meetings at Rosimushchestvo, where an unprecedented battle for and against the merger of Gazprom and Rosneft took place in the spring of 2005. Recall that it was Yuganskneftegaz that decided the fate of the deal during a murky Russian Federal Property Fund (RFFI) auction held on December 19, 2004. Rosneft's purchase of Yuganskneftegaz became the main argument against the formation of the largest oil and gas company in Russia, which was supposed to emerge from the united Gazprom and Rosneft and in which the state had a controlling interest.
The formation of the order-bearing, efficient, socially oriented state company Gosneftegaz based on Gazprom in a quasi-compulsory alliance with Surgutneftegaz and Transneft was almost declared outright, for example, in documents dealing with development strategies for the oil and gas reserves of Eastern Siberia and the Far East. But Yuganskneftegaz, which went to Rosneft in the end, wrecked this orderly plan. As a result of a compromise in the Kremlin and surroundings, each kept its own.
But what does "its own" mean? The dispute between Medvedev and Igor Sechin, the chairmen of the boards of Gazprom and Rosneft, respectively, led the Russian government elite to create two state oil and gas companies, which were supposed to take shape by the end of the summer of 2005. The first was Rosneft, which already controlled 60 percent of YUKOS's production and probably controlled the remaining 40 percent of production and at least part of the refining operations. The second was Gazprom. Officially, it received nothing; but there was a very high possibility that the $8-10 billion it was supposed to receive from the state through Rosneft loans would be spent on oil projects. This might well be both the purchase of Sibneft and the acquisition of a stake in TNK-BP, if the Russian shareholders decide to get out of this business. Asset swaps with Western investors in Russia cannot be ruled out.
If there are no problems with their formation, by 2006, both companies could very well claim the role of the largest players in the Russian fuel and energy complex, including the power industry. But what is more interesting is that the two state companies have been quite clearly delimited according to a different characteristic, namely, according to their business strategies, which represent fundamentally different versions of state dirigisme in the economy, and, given the economic centrism of all present-day politics, two different state ideologies.
Gazprom (tentatively OOO Liberalneftegaz) can already lay claim to consolidating relative liberals in the government around it, from German Gref to Viktor Khristenko, albeit not without some friction. And in both corporate governance and state ideology, this is a party oriented toward cooperation with the EU and the United States, a social state, technocracy as distinct from the rule of ideology, and phraseology borrowed from Harvard and Boston. Theoretically, this is the Latin American model.
Rosneft (the future ZAO Patriotneftegaz) is another version of dirigisme, appropriately known as Chinese. This is narrow-minded isolationism, the elimination of competition by means of rigid state control, a rejection of the social state ideology, total state capitalism in the well-known sense, politicized rather than business cooperation with the West, native phraseology, and unbounded patriotism.
Of course, the words "economic liberalism" can be applied to politicians and managers of the first group only with well-known reservations. The matter concerns two models of an economic policy that assumes active intervention by the state and its agents in market processes and as a direct player, regulator, and guardian of state interests, which are fundamentally different from the interests of private business and, ultimately, of society, whatever the claims to the contrary. In this sense, Aleksandr Lukashenko is a more liberally inclined politician than his Turkemen counterpart.
It would be no great exaggeration to suggest that, under certain circumstances, Liberalneftegaz and Patriotneftegaz will become opposing forces in the political sphere in the pre-election cycle in 2007-2008 in one form or another; and in the business sphere, the stiff competition between the two conglomerates will obviously become even stiffer. Khodorkovsky and Lebedev may be pleased. Their nine-year sentence may well be considered a sacrifice on both the altar of competition in Russia's fuel and energy complex and the altar of political freedom. The rivalry of the two ideologies will inevitably enter the public realm; but isn't this democracy? At the very least, the struggle for power of the two political parties is still more democratic than United Russia's autistic internal power struggles.
However, the most predictable scenario should not be confused with the most likely one. Politics in Russia consists of barely predictable events. Who could have imagined three years ago that Mikhail Khodorkovsky would be on the prisoner's dock?
The imprisonment of YUKOS's owners and the division of their legacy was a powerful incentive to the development of democracy in Russia. It is not inconceivable that a two-party system will finally appear in the country: OOO Liberalneftegaz and ZAO Patriotneftegaz will be competing for power and property.

Khodorkovsky accomplished a fair amount in the recent history of the Russian economy. Leaving aside State Prosecutor Shokhin's ideas of the achievements of YUKOS's management in the organized crime business, which are of little use for discussion anywhere except in the Meshchansky Court, you can't ignore the fact that it was Khodorkovsky who influenced the formation of two parties in near-Kremlin circles (a group of like-mined people in the old European interpretation of this term). And a juicy chunk of YUKOS property, Yuganskneftegaz, which, during its owner's time in prison, was thrown out for division into the political and economic field and became the missing link for the splitting of these parties in the business environment. We have only to wait until the parties form into holdings in the business field and into political parties in the political field. In the purely human sense, it seems that a division into us and them has already occurred in the Kremlin, despite the appeals of Vladimir Putin and the head of his administration, Dmitry Medvedev to preserve unity in the face of ill-wishers.
![]() |
Dmitry Medvedev, head of OOO Liberalneftegaz |
The formation of the order-bearing, efficient, socially oriented state company Gosneftegaz based on Gazprom in a quasi-compulsory alliance with Surgutneftegaz and Transneft was almost declared outright, for example, in documents dealing with development strategies for the oil and gas reserves of Eastern Siberia and the Far East. But Yuganskneftegaz, which went to Rosneft in the end, wrecked this orderly plan. As a result of a compromise in the Kremlin and surroundings, each kept its own.
But what does "its own" mean? The dispute between Medvedev and Igor Sechin, the chairmen of the boards of Gazprom and Rosneft, respectively, led the Russian government elite to create two state oil and gas companies, which were supposed to take shape by the end of the summer of 2005. The first was Rosneft, which already controlled 60 percent of YUKOS's production and probably controlled the remaining 40 percent of production and at least part of the refining operations. The second was Gazprom. Officially, it received nothing; but there was a very high possibility that the $8-10 billion it was supposed to receive from the state through Rosneft loans would be spent on oil projects. This might well be both the purchase of Sibneft and the acquisition of a stake in TNK-BP, if the Russian shareholders decide to get out of this business. Asset swaps with Western investors in Russia cannot be ruled out.
![]() |
Igor Sechin, head of ZAO Patriotneftegaz |
Gazprom (tentatively OOO Liberalneftegaz) can already lay claim to consolidating relative liberals in the government around it, from German Gref to Viktor Khristenko, albeit not without some friction. And in both corporate governance and state ideology, this is a party oriented toward cooperation with the EU and the United States, a social state, technocracy as distinct from the rule of ideology, and phraseology borrowed from Harvard and Boston. Theoretically, this is the Latin American model.
Rosneft (the future ZAO Patriotneftegaz) is another version of dirigisme, appropriately known as Chinese. This is narrow-minded isolationism, the elimination of competition by means of rigid state control, a rejection of the social state ideology, total state capitalism in the well-known sense, politicized rather than business cooperation with the West, native phraseology, and unbounded patriotism.
Of course, the words "economic liberalism" can be applied to politicians and managers of the first group only with well-known reservations. The matter concerns two models of an economic policy that assumes active intervention by the state and its agents in market processes and as a direct player, regulator, and guardian of state interests, which are fundamentally different from the interests of private business and, ultimately, of society, whatever the claims to the contrary. In this sense, Aleksandr Lukashenko is a more liberally inclined politician than his Turkemen counterpart.
It would be no great exaggeration to suggest that, under certain circumstances, Liberalneftegaz and Patriotneftegaz will become opposing forces in the political sphere in the pre-election cycle in 2007-2008 in one form or another; and in the business sphere, the stiff competition between the two conglomerates will obviously become even stiffer. Khodorkovsky and Lebedev may be pleased. Their nine-year sentence may well be considered a sacrifice on both the altar of competition in Russia's fuel and energy complex and the altar of political freedom. The rivalry of the two ideologies will inevitably enter the public realm; but isn't this democracy? At the very least, the struggle for power of the two political parties is still more democratic than United Russia's autistic internal power struggles.
However, the most predictable scenario should not be confused with the most likely one. Politics in Russia consists of barely predictable events. Who could have imagined three years ago that Mikhail Khodorkovsky would be on the prisoner's dock?
Gas prices may grow 14 percent next year
RBC, 15.06.2005, Moscow 19:51:46.The rate of growth in gas prices should be at least 14 percent in 2006, a source in the Russian government has told RBC. The source added that the industry and energy ministry had submitted the corresponding proposals to the government. In the ministry's opinion, this increase in prices would guarantee profitability of gas supplies to the domestic market. Additionally, the federal tariffs service believes that gas supplies would be profitable, if prices were raised 17 percent. At the same time the forecast for Russia's social and economic development for 2006 provides for increasing gas prices by not more than 11 percent, and the corresponding figures for 2007 and 2008 are 8 percent and 7 percent respectively. The source noted that this issue would cause serious discussion at the next meeting of the Cabinet. The limit on growth in fees for electrical power has been set at 7.5 percent for 2006, and the corresponding figures for 2007 and 2008 are 6.5 percent and 5.5 percent respectively. Railroad tariffs are to increase 8 percent, 7 percent and 5.5 percent in 2006, 2007 and 2008 respectively. The source did not rule out the possibility that the federal tariffs service would suggest that railroad fees should be raised more substantially.
Tuesday, June 14, 2005
$24 billion invested in Azerbaijani economy in 10 years
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Russian, Azeri presidents to discuss Caspian and Azeri oil export issues
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Thursday, June 09, 2005
Export of Russian Oil to China to Rise 1.5 Times - Chinese Oil Chief
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Export of Russian oil to China in 2006 will be 1.5 times bigger than in 2005, the president of China National Petroleum Corporation, Chen Geng, said on Thursday. Speaking at the second Russian-Chinese Investment Forum in St. Petersburg, he said the export of Russian oil to China in 2005 will be over 10 million tons. In 2006, it will rise up to 15 million. "The tendency for the rise of Russian oil exports will remain in the future," he said.
India Still Wants a Piece of Russia's Rosneft
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Russian Oil and Gas Giant Lukoil Faces Tax Evasion Charges
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Tuesday, June 07, 2005
Director of South Russia's Main Oil Terminal Arrested for Tax Evasion
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Ist Siberian Energy Congress to open in Novosibirsk
07.06.2005 RBC News - The I Siberian Energy Congress will open today in Novosibirsk. The aim of the congress is to assist actual establishment of eastern energy centers that meet Russia's strategic interests. Expectedly, the forum will invite representatives of federal and regional authorities, the home and foreign business community, and research and design organizations. Viktor Khristenko, Russia's industry and energy minister, Yuri Trutnev, natural resources minister, top managers of Irkutskenergo, Norilsk Nickel, Rusia Petroleum, RAO UES of Russia, Rosneft, RusAl and other large energy enterprises are to take part in the congress.
The program of the congress has been designed for two days, with eight subject-matter sessions. During the sessions, the government's energy policy priorities, subsurface management and electric energy reforms, and projects and market-development forecasts are to be handled.
The program of the congress has been designed for two days, with eight subject-matter sessions. During the sessions, the government's energy policy priorities, subsurface management and electric energy reforms, and projects and market-development forecasts are to be handled.
Japan to buy more Russian natural gas from Sakhalin II
MOSCOW, June 7 (RIA Novosti) -- Sakhalin Energy, the company that operates the Sakhalin II project providing natural gas to Asia, has almost completed the signing of all long-term, natural gas contracts, which include an increase in sales of liquefied natural gas to Japan, the Vremya Novostei daily said Tuesday. Sakhalin Energy (SE) said Monday that a contract had been signed with Toho Gas to increase annual liquefied natural gas deliveries by 0.2 million metric tons over the course of the next 20 years. This is the third commercial success for SE in the last seven days, the company's commercial director Ate Visser said. Japan will receive 0.8 million metric tons more liquefied natural gas per year (over $3 billion). SE signed even more lucrative contracts with Tokyo Gas (1.1 million metric tons of liquefied natural gas over 24 years), Tokyo Electric (1.5 million tons over 22 years), Kyushu Electric (0.5 million tons over 22 years), Baja Mexico (1.6 million tons over 20 years), and Kogas (1.5 million tons per year with a possible additional 0.5 million tons). The Japanese buying frenzy is motivated by projected mid-term Asia-Pacific liquefied gas price hikes. Experts think that liquefied natural gas will cost 75% more on Asian markets in five years. These estimates hinge on greater U.S. and European gas demand. North American liquefied gas futures now cost 50% more than those in Asia. Wholesale Asian buyers spend $234 per metric ton of liquefied natural gas (minus delivery costs). The same amount costs $345 per ton in the United States. Analysts think that a ton of liquefied natural gas will cost $400-430 per ton by 2010. The Sakhalin II project calls for developing the Piltun-Astokhsky and Lunsky deposits on the northeastern shelf of the island. The latter mostly contains gas, gas condensate, and oil. Both deposits together contain over one billion barrels (150 million tons) of oil and more than 500 billion cubic meters of natural gas.
Monday, June 06, 2005
Saudi-Russian Oil Ventures
06/06/2005 (10:43) RZD News - BRIEFLY Saudi Arabia and Russia, the world's two largest oil producers, plan to set up joint ventures in the developing world, Al-Jazeera reported, citing Russia's ambassador in Riyadh, Andrei Baklanov. The countries' largest oil producers, Saudi Aramco and LUKoil, are in talks with Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, India's largest oil explorer, about investing to expand ONGC's Managlore Refinery and Petrochemicals, Al-Jazeera said on its web site, reports The Moscow Times referring to Bloomberg.
Friday, June 03, 2005
Putin's Economic Adviser Calls to Privatize Russian Oil And Gas Complex
Thursday, June 02, 2005
Russian Oil Companies Fail to Increase Production for 8th Month Straight
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